{"id":13730,"date":"2012-02-20T13:02:24","date_gmt":"2012-02-20T18:02:24","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/joshualandis.com\/blog\/?p=13730"},"modified":"2012-02-20T17:01:08","modified_gmt":"2012-02-20T22:01:08","slug":"%e2%80%9cthe-implosion%e2%80%9d-by-jon-lee-anderson-in-the-new-yorker","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/joshualandis.com\/blog\/%e2%80%9cthe-implosion%e2%80%9d-by-jon-lee-anderson-in-the-new-yorker\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cThe Implosion,\u201d by Jon Lee Anderson in The New Yorker"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><a href=\"http:\/\/archives.newyorker.com\/?i=2012-02-27#folio=058\" target=\"_blank\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright\" src=\"http:\/\/static.cdn.realviewdigital.com\/global\/content\/GetImage.aspx?pguid=FC9071DC-DD99-441F-A727-1B74670350BC&amp;width=232&amp;i=2012-02-27&amp;folio=058\" alt=\"\" width=\"232\" height=\"316\" \/>Jon Lee Anderson, Letter from Syria, \u201cThe Implosion,\u201d The New Yorker, February 27, 2012, p. 58 <\/a><\/p>\n<p>Before the observers left, hundreds of townspeople gathered in the main square to shout slogans and call for freedom.<\/p>\n<p>Anas told me he knew that Zabadani\u2019s moment of \u201cfreedom\u201d wouldn\u2019t last; the Army could come back in whenever it wanted to. \u201cIt will be a black end,\u201d he said flatly. \u201cBut we will have to face it.\u201d He added, \u201cI\u2019m sorry to say this, but the Alawites are involved in the repression, and there will be a sectarian civil war.\u201d&#8230;.<\/p>\n<p>But at other times it was evident that the regime could not entirely control what we saw. Clock Tower Square, in central Homs, is where the first demonstrations were bloodily suppressed; reportedly, scores of protesters died there in April, when the Army attacked during a sit-in. When we visited, the large plaza was almost deserted. The bus let us off three blocks away, in front of an old caf\u00e9, but before I had walked a block the minders nervously called everyone back. A tall, burly man with a salt-and-pepper beard was bellowing, in English, \u201cWhy are you here? This is not where you need to be.\u201d He waved toward the neighborhoods that were held by the rebels. \u201cGo to Baba Amr, go to Khalidiya, that\u2019s where you should go!\u201d The minders tried to herd us back onto the bus, but the bearded man, who I later discovered was a prominent lawyer, had everyone\u2019s attention. He shouted that terrible things were happening in his city. When asked who was responsible, he suggested that the regime was using thugs to intimidate people. \u201cArmy or security or military, I don\u2019t know!\u201d he yelled. \u201cThey are wearing sports shoes! You know a military wearing sports shoes?\u201d He added, \u201cI trust the men in uniforms with helmets and boots. I don\u2019t trust these men with sports shoes.\u201d Men in long black leather jackets appeared at the edges of the crowd: Mukhabarat or Shabiha. They stood close together and whispered, and some moved in toward the bearded man. A few old men emerged from the caf\u00e9 and tried to coax him inside, but he shook them off. A reporter asked, \u201cHow is life here?\u201d<\/p>\n<p>\u201cLife?\u201d the man shouted, waving his arms. \u201cThere is no life! There isn\u2019t life here in Syria.\u201d Men crowded around, yelling angrily in order to drown him out. One of them called to us, \u201cYou can go anywhere you like in Homs! Everything is fine.\u201d Another man challenged him: \u201cYou want NATO to come to Syria? Is that what you want?\u201d There was shouting and pushing; the secret police swarmed. The bearded man called to the reporters, \u201cTake my name! Tomorrow my name will be on the board,\u201d referring to a list of Homs\u2019s daily dead. Then the crowd descended into chaos, and he was pulled away&#8230;.<\/p>\n<p>Out on the street, a number of men had gathered, and one of them, a wiry, forthright man in his forties, said his name was Maher. Like the shopkeeper, he was a Christian. He had worked abroad for years on oil rigs owned by an American company, but he decided a few months ago to return home to protect his family; the rebels, he explained, were occupying houses, to use as bases from which to attack the government. A few days before, though, the Army had taken control of a few streets, and some shops had reopened; people could go to work, and their children could attend school. Gunfire broke out from the direction of Khalidiya, and Maher\u2019s eyes roved up and down the street. \u201cI am not a supporter of the President or a member of the Baath, my friend,\u201d he pronounced. \u201cBut I have seen the truth.\u201d Echoing the government\u2019s line, he said that the rebels were drug dealers, criminals, members of Al Qaeda. He spoke of their torture and execution<\/p>\n<p>houses, where they slit victims\u2019 throats like sheep. Once, he said, an old man and woman were asked for their I.D.s at a rebel roadblock, and the two were shot dead merely because they were Alawite.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThe government should be tough,\u201d he said. \u201cI don\u2019t mind staying in my house for three days to let the government clear all the houses, because they are hiding in innocent people\u2019s houses.\u201d&#8230;.<\/p>\n<p>Over the rooftops, I saw columns of black smoke rising from where the fighting was taking place. A government minder who had accompanied me was shocked. He asked worriedly, \u201cIs Syria going to be like Iraq?\u201d Until that moment, he hadn\u2019t really understood the extent of the country\u2019s problems; he confessed that he had never seen an anti- government demonstration. He asked, \u201cAre we in denial?\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The same day, the diplomat in Damascus told me that it was too late to stop Syria from sliding into civil war. \u201cWe\u2019re watching a country go off the edge,\u201d he said. \u201cThis is going to be ugly.\u201d He had hoped that there could be a negotiated settlement, similar to the recent one in Yemen\u2014a \u201csoft landing, whereby the Assads can get in a plane with all of their toys and fly to Dubai or wherever.\u201d But Russia was stubbornly opposed; no one knew how to negotiate with the rebels amid the violence; and, until the opposition convinced the Alawites that they were not the targets of the uprising, a d\u00e9tente with the Army seemed unlikely.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cMost of the officer class is Alawite, and there are very few senior officers defecting,\u201d the diplomat said. But the government could not hold on forever. With unrest all over the country, the Army was spread thin, and on the front lines food and fuel were running short. The troops were tired and increasingly demoralized. Even though the regime had cut off electricity, food, and medical care to rebel areas, the opposition was gaining confidence. Another diplomat in Damascus said, \u201cFear has gone from the people and it has not been reintroduced. People have come out on the streets, and they\u2019ve stayed out.\u201d He added, \u201cI never had any doubt about the regime\u2019s capacity for violence, but I didn\u2019t realize how stupid its leaders were. We warned them that, once they started shooting people, sooner or later people would start shooting back. Even if they were to try a reform process, it wouldn\u2019t fix things now. They\u2019re now obliged to carry it off with repression.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The newspaper editor in Damascus suggested, conversely, that the country was stuck with Assad. \u201cThe collapse of the regime will lead to atrocities, communities targeting communities, as in Rwanda,\u201d he said. \u201cYou can blame whom you like, but this is a fact. The state has to continue functioning, because, if it doesn\u2019t, then, as in Homs now, there will be sectarian violence. That\u2019s why the decision was taken to go strictly, heavily, into the suburbs, with all the loss of life that we\u2019re seeing. So this idea of Assad stepping down won\u2019t happen, because he is the Army. The only way to save the country is to support the regime to change itself. All the other scenarios lead to civil war, sectarian violence, and a failed state.\u201d Assad\u2019s best hope, he suggested, was a combination of unrelenting violence toward the active rebels and greater reforms to persuade the moderates&#8230;..<\/p>\n<p>In Damascus, I met Aimad al-Khatib, a Sunni businessman in his fifties who embodied the chaotic interplay of Syria\u2019s factions. He had recently been abducted, in Homs, by three men who forced their way into his car at gunpoint. After making him hand over his money, his I.D. card, and his cell phone, they took the car and drove off. Khatib went to the local rebel authorities, and, in an hour, they caught the culprits. \u201cThey handed me the keys to my car, the money, everything except the cell phone, but gave me money to reimburse me for it,\u201d Khatib said. \u201cThey showed me the men they had caught, and, after I identified them, they began beating them in front of me. The people that robbed me are the same ones killing people with I.D. cards that show them to be Alawites.\u201d Khatib is a leader of the Syrian National Solidarity Party, one of four new parties granted legal status in December.<\/p>\n<p>He told me that he had been part of an attempt to broker a dialogue between the government and the opposition, but had given up when it became obvious that the regime was intent on using force. He expressed a kind of cynical resignation. The Russians were supporting Bashar, in order to preserve their international prestige; Saudi Arabia was against him, in order to weaken Iran; Turkey wanted to bring the Muslim Brotherhood to power. Khatib hoped for \u201ca real national-unity government, in which not even the Alawites will be excluded.\u201d But, with violence spreading across the country, it seemed too late for that. \u201cWhat will happen? \u201d I asked.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThere will be a civil war.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>\u201cWhen will it begin?\u201d<\/p>\n<p>\u201cIt\u2019s already begun.\u201d Few people in Syria were so outspoken, and I asked Khatib if he was concerned about his safety. He smiled wanly and said, \u201cIf God wants to take my soul, let him have it.\u201d ?<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"http:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/reporting\/2012\/02\/27\/120227fa_fact_anderson#ixzz1mwYpQlDF\">http:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/reporting\/2012\/02\/27\/120227fa_fact_anderson#ixzz1mwYpQlDF<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Jon Lee Anderson, Letter from Syria, \u201cThe Implosion,\u201d The New Yorker, February 27, 2012, p. 58 Before the observers left, hundreds of townspeople gathered in the main square to shout slogans and call for freedom. Anas told me he knew that Zabadani\u2019s moment of \u201cfreedom\u201d wouldn\u2019t last; the Army could come back in whenever it [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"sfsi_plus_gutenberg_text_before_share":"","sfsi_plus_gutenberg_show_text_before_share":"","sfsi_plus_gutenberg_icon_type":"","sfsi_plus_gutenberg_icon_alignemt":"","sfsi_plus_gutenburg_max_per_row":"","jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":false,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","enabled":false},"version":2}},"categories":[96],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-13730","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-syria-revolution-2011"],"jetpack_publicize_connections":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v24.8.1 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>\u201cThe Implosion,\u201d by Jon Lee Anderson in The New Yorker - Syria Comment<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/joshualandis.com\/blog\/\u201cthe-implosion\u201d-by-jon-lee-anderson-in-the-new-yorker\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"\u201cThe Implosion,\u201d by Jon Lee Anderson in The New Yorker - Syria Comment\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Jon Lee Anderson, Letter from Syria, \u201cThe Implosion,\u201d The New Yorker, February 27, 2012, p. 58 Before the observers left, hundreds of townspeople gathered in the main square to shout slogans and call for freedom. 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